Midway through “A Touch of Sin,” Jia Zhangke’s dark marvel
of a film about violence and vengeance in contemporary China, a steely-eyed
drifter named Zhou San walks into the teeming throng of Chongqing Railroad
Station and scans the thicket of bodies around him. Chinese New Year has just
passed, and like almost everyone else at the station, Zhou is looking to buy a
ticket out of the megacity. Like many of the other migrant workers going home,
he is a husband and father who spends the better part of the year away from the
family he supports. But as the audience learns over the course of the film,
Zhou also happens to be a merciless, cold-blooded murderer.
I was reminded of this scene when news broke on Saturday of
a mass killing at Kunming Railway Station, in southwest China, which left
twenty-nine people dead and more than a hundred and thirty injured. According
to the Chinese police, eight assailants, dressed in black and wearing cloth
face masks, burst into the station’s crowded ticket hall on Saturday evening
and began slashing indiscriminately with long knives. When the police arrived,
shortly after the attack began, they shot and killed four of the attackers, and
wounded one female suspect, who was taken into custody. But in a matter of
minutes, the slaughter had turned the open-air railway station into a theatre
of war, whose carnage was documented in real time on Chinese microblogs. Three
of the alleged attackers managed to flee the scene, but have since been
arrested, as well.
The four story lines that make up Jia Zhangke’s “A Touch of
Sin” were inspired by Weibo, the Chinese version of Twitter. During 2011 and
2012, when Jia was making the film, a string of apparently senseless
killings—including severalkindergarten rampages—dominated headlines and sparked
anguished soul-searching among the horrified public. (For a time, the country’s
most popular viral video showed a two-year-old hit-and-run victim bleeding on
the roadside, ignored by eighteen people who passed by.) As Christopher Beam
argued in apiece that drew a link between Jia’s film and China’s sobering
drumbeat of violence: “In a country with no ‘good Samaritan’ laws and a history
of victims suing their helpers, [those who walk past without lending a hand]
were acting rationally, albeit monstrously.”
It is a chilling thing to be both rational and monstrous: we
tend to believe, rightly or wrongly, that inexplicable evil does not involve
logic. But it’s hard to determine whether any of these calculations apply to
the premeditated attack in Kunming, which quickly came to be known as “China’s
9/11.” Almost immediately after the attack, authorities identified the
perpetrators as Uighur separatists from Xinjiang, in the country’s restive
northwest. (Reports claimed that police on the scene had recovered a black flag
traditionally associated with those who support independence for what some
Uighurs call East Turkestan.)
On the morning after the attack, China’s security chief,
Meng Jianzhu, visited the wounded in Kunming, and pledged to “mobilize all
resources and adopt all means” to capture the “inhuman and anti-social”
criminals. In Beijing, President Xi Jinping vowed to bring the “terrorists” to
justice. Given the timing of the attack—which took place a few days before the
opening of China’s annual parliamentary session—it is hard to avoid concluding
that attracting the attention of Meng and Xi was precisely the attackers’ aim.
In the past year alone, there have been more than two
hundred incidents of violence in Xinjiang. The most high-profile attack,
however, took place in Beijing last October, when a jeep deliberately plowed
into pedestrians in Tiananmen Square and caught fire, killing the three Uighurs
inside, and two pedestrians, while injuring more than forty others.
In the Chinese media, the bloodshed has often been
characterized simply as the work of unhinged Muslim extremists, whom the ethnic
Han majority already tends to regard as an inferior “other”. With their darker
complexion and Indo-European features, Uighurs resemble central Asians more
closely than the East Asian Chinese. Culturally, the differences are even more
acute. Inhabiting the westernmost edge of northern China, Uighurs share little
in the way of customs, religion and language with Han Chinese. In the past, the
region that is now Xinjiang was under the control of many different empires. It
came under Communist rule in 1949. In recent years, Han encroachment into
Xinjiang, the result of a deliberate policy to shift the demographic balance,
has bred further resentment among the Uighurs, who have no outlets for protest
or dissent. The government’s restrictive religious policies and heavy-handed
security measures, which are aimed specifically against ethnic minorities, have
only exacerbated matters.
In the urban centers where Uighur youths might, under other
circumstances, become more assimilated, desirable employment opportunities are
scarce. More often than not, they are relegated to low-paid menial positions,
like hawking fruit or selling meat skewers on the street.
None of this, of course, justifies the unprovoked violence
unleashed in Kunming, or diminishes the heinousness of that crime. But there
may be a logic, however twisted, in the way that despondence and desperation
ferment into vicious malevolence.
Not for the first time, the words that have been censored on
Weibo offer greater insight than what is on view. The government has discouraged
TV stations from covering the Kunming massacre, which means that social media
has been the venue for most of the discussion and speculation about the attack.
But the file of deletions is growing. In the since-disappeared words of one
journalist, “No one ever bothers to give us clear accounts of what really
happened. They just let us let blindly, fear blindly, and die senselessly
without knowing.” Another post, also erased, asked what are apparently
unacceptable questions: “I am deeply curious about the personal background and
past of the female suspect who is now being held in custody. She has become a
villainous beast in the eyes of the people but undoubtedly, she couldn’t have
been born a beast. Really hope the media can open itself up, take the time, and
mine her story.”
Like these comments, “A Touch of Sin” remains censored in
China, a decision that disappointed many but surprised few. The portrayal of an
imperfect country—with its murderous citizens, who are far from mad—is
predictably one that the leadership is reluctant to accept. The first time that
Zhou San kills in Jia’s film, it is an act of self-defense against three
knife-wielding highwaymen. But the second time, his victim is an unarmed
pregnant woman leaving a bank. Between the two killings, Zhou blithely goes
about his life: attending his mother’s birthday banquet, lounging in bed with
his wife, admiring fireworks with his young son. To a casual observer, his
story couldn’t be more ordinary.
Source: newyorker.com
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