James Crawford
Educational Communications and Technology
This paper examines the role media has in the perpetuation
of racism in Canada through stereotypes. A background to the topic of racism in
Canada is offered first where concepts such as the other, whiteness, and white
privilege are explored. This is followed
by a functional definition of stereotypes and its critique. Finally, the paper
will examine stereotypes in media such as television (TV), cinema, news, and
advertising.
Whiteness and White Privilege
Just as there are racial identities of colour in Canada,
there is also a white racial identity. To Canadians of European descent
whiteness is akin to normalness; yet, as
Frankenberg (1996) points out, it is unacknowledged and unknown to most white
people. Euro-Canadians do not define themselves as white - they merely
construct themselves as NOT being people of colour. This invisibility of whitenes is “historically, socially,
politically and culturally produced and ... linked to ... relations of
domination” (Weis et al., 1997, p.22). This domination manifests itself in the
form of white privilege (examples to follow). These privileges are
invisible to most Euro-Canadians; yet,
they exist. They are built into Canadian society. It is a “protective pillow of
resources and/or benefits of the doubt ... (that) repels gossip and voyeurism
and instead demands dignity” (Fine, 1997, p 57).
Examples of White Privilege
• Norquay (1993) relates a story of going to New York with
two other females, one black and one white. When they stopped a taxi, the white
cab driver asked if the black woman was with this party. Norquay tells the
story to friends in Toronto and the black woman turns to Norquay and says, “you
have obviously never tried to catch a cab with me here in Toronto” (p.249).
• Frankenberg (1996) mentioned examples of white people
moving to the opposite side of the street when two, tall, black men approach on
a sidewalk. These people do not move aside when approaching other white people
because the are assumed to be good or
normal. She also indicates that she
received shoddy or poor service when she went into cafes in her town with
friends of colour.
• Powell (1997) talked about expectations of failure for
people of colour in US universities. A university sent out two different
letters to new students. A letter to white students stated that they were the
best and brightest, that the university was delighted in offering admission,
and that they would be honoured to train the students for the leadership roles
they would take in the community and country. A letter to black students stated
how wonderful the university was and how fortunate the students were to have a
chance to attend. The letter also outlined that many remedial and support
programs were in place to help them when they ran into difficulty at this
world-class university.
(Under) normal circumstances, white students get the “white”
letter and never know that the second letter exists, while black students are
absolutely clear that theirs is a race-coded letter. Black and white students
meet at the same college in the same classes but with fundamentally different
messages about their right and ability to be there. (Powell, 1997, p.5)
• A similar effect as the one above exists in Canada with
inner-city schools. Inner-city, in this author’s experience, is really just a
race-coded word for Indian where there
is an assumption of failure and lower standards, translating into lower
achievement.
• Powell (1997) also found that white students know the
rules of the game and are better achievers just as members of white society
know the rules of the game. This is one of the advantages of being white - they
learn the rules as they grow up and succeed in life. Those who are not white,
never get a chance to learn the rules and they are generally not successful.
White students who were overwhelmed and unable to finish the
paper asked for an extension. Several of them took an extra 24 hours and turned
in A papers, receiving an A-. Black students also reported lack of time as a
major difficulty in completing the paper; however, none of them considered
asking for an extension, which as one black woman said, 1) would put me (the
teacher) in an awkward situation and 2)would feel like “asking for welfare”.
(Powell, 1997, p.8)
• Personal stories related to this author by persons of
colour tell of scrutinization by police on the streets, discrimination in
renting apartments (and the assumption of a partying lifestyle), and university
professors being followed around by security in department stores. This lack of
trust or expectation of wrong doing is not accorded the average white person.
One way that white privilege is maintained is through the
construction of stereotypes of people of colour. Generally these stereotypes
are different from ideas of a normal Canadian and depict negative images.
Examples of this include those of Natives as alcoholics and lazy; of Chinese as
treacherous; etc. The overall effect is to infer that whiteness is goodness.
Much of their (white) identity production swirls around the
creation and maintenance of the dark “other” against which their own whiteness
and goodness is necessarily understood. The social construction of this
goodness, then, provides moral justification for privileged standpoints. (Weis
et al., 1997, p.212)
People of colour are expected to conform to the values of
whiteness yet this is impossible because
it is based on race. As long as whiteness
goes unacknowledged, anyone of colour will have difficulty in
conforming.
Blacks and other people “of colour” are viewed as recent
newcomers, or worse, “foreigners” who have no claim to Canadian heritage except
through the generosity of Canadian immigration officials, who “allow” a certain
quota of us to enter each year. (Shadd, 1989, p.3)
Even if a person’s family has been in Canada or the US for a
number of generations, a person of colour will never be as good as a white person, and will never be allowed
access to the privileges that accompany colour in our society.
To most residents (in the US), African Americans and Mexican
Americans were simply the latest (and not too welcome) newcomers in a series of
immigrant groups and would have to engage in the same process of self-help,
assimilation, and perseverance that previous groups had experienced. (Sleeter,
1993, p.159)
Other literature illustrates this privilege and the lack of
incentive for whiteness to be cast aside. Roediger (1991) examines the struggle
for acceptance into the privileged white race by the Irish from a historical,
political, economic and psychological perspective. The Irish immigrant was once
negatively stereotyped as the Irish nigger
during the flood of immigration during the mid-1800’s. The “success of
the Irish in being recognized as white resulted largely from the political
power of the Irish ... voters. The imperative to define themselves as white
came but from the particular ‘public and psychological wages’ whiteness
offered” (p.137). These wages included preference in hiring over other groups,
admission to public venues on equal footing with upper classes, admission to
white schools, etc.
They were given public deference ... because they were
white. They were admitted freely, with all classes of white people, to public
functions (and) public parks. ... The police were drawn from their ranks and
the courts, dependent on their votes, treated them with leniency. ... Their
votes selected public officials and while this had small effect upon the
economic situation, it had great effect upon their personal treatment. ...
White schoolhouses were the best in the community, and conspicuously placed,
and cost anywhere from twice to ten times colored schools. (Roediger, 1991,
p.12)
The Irish and African-Americans “lived side by side in the
teeming slums of American cities of the 1830’s” (p.134). Yet, there was little
incentive for the Irish to question their class position and dependency on wage
labour. The “pleasures of whiteness could function as a ‘wage’ for white
workers. That is, status and privileges conferred by race could be used to make
up for alienating and exploitative class relationships. ... White workers
could, and did, define and accept their class positions by fashioning
identities as ‘not slaves’ and as ‘not blacks’ ”(p.13).
Creation of ‘Whiteness’ in Canada
To fully understand the creation of whiteness in Canada, one needs to look at its
historical formation. The study of whiteness
is derived from the study of colonization. Edward Said (1978) described
the relationship that British colonizers had with the people of the Middle East
during early colonization. At that time, this area was referred to as the
Orient and Said described this relationship as Orientalism. The Oriental or
other was an image or stereotype created
by the British. The other was basically
everything that the West was not - s/he was dark, savage, bestial, lowbrow,
etc. (Roediger, 1991). In some ways, British culture was able to define itself
by positioning itself as opposite to the other. For example, British culture
was civilized because its citizens did not live in grass huts. British culture
was technologically advanced as compared to the spears of the other. From this
othering , colonizing countries like Britain, France, Germany, etc. were able
to see themselves as civilized, advanced and dynamic when compared to the
stable and primitive others . The fact that no single Oriental identity even
existed was not taken into consideration (i.e. India and Egypt are very
different cultures but categorized as Orientals in early colonizialism). This
othering process also provided
justification for colonizing as the colonizer could claim that they were
civilizing a primitive culture.
This process of othering
was carried to North America and was used in the colonization of Native
Americans and in the enslavement of African Americans. Indians were seen as a homogeneous group of savages
despite the fact that individual groups varied extensively and had well developed
social systems. Niggers were also portrayed
as savage, uncivilized and with low intelligence. By creating this identity,
expansion into North America was justified.
Stereotypes have an important function in the maintenance of
racism. Between 1500 and 1800 A.D., the stereotype of Indians as savages served
to justify the dispossession of Indian lands. The dispossession and its legacy
have created a powerful-powerless relationship between white and Native
peoples. In order to maintain this power structure, new stereotypes of Native
peoples have been created, as the need has arisen. (Larocque, 1989, p.74)
Besides providing a justification for dispossessing lands of
colonized people, the creation of a stable other has helped to maintain this relationship of
inequity. In Canada, the stereotype of a traditional Indian conjures up images of mocassins, beads,
canoes, etc. It is as if these groups of people have been untouched by western
civilization during the last two hundred years. This stable identity has been
perpetuated by the othering process involved
in traditional anthropology since its inception.
(Traditional anthropology) depicted the colonized as members
of a harmonious, internally homogeneous, unchanging culture. When so described,
the culture appeared to “need” progress, or economic and moral uplifting. In
addition, the “timeless traditional culture” served as a self-congratulatory
reference point against which Western civilization could measure its own
progressive historical evolution. The civilizing journey was conceived more as
a rise than a fall, a process more of elevation than degradation (a long,
arduous journey upward, culminating in “us”). ... It portrayed a “culture”
sufficiently frozen to be an object of “scientific” knowledge. This genre of
social description made itself, and the culture so described, into an artifact
worthy of being housed in the collection of a major museum. (Rosalda, 1989,
p.31)
Inherent in the construction of these static stereotypes is
the assumption that whiteness is
goodness. Other races need to conform to the norm of whiteness . There is no
room in Canadian society for the other
unless they are in their purist form (i.e. unless the Indian remains
primitive and stays on the reserve where s/he belongs). Otherwise, they should
be assimilated into Canadian culture . By creating and maintaining static
stereotypes, public attention to cries of structural inequity by marginalized
groups can be deflected. For example, people of Native descent are no longer
real Indians - if they were, they would not be having these problems because
they would be living their traditional lives.
There seems to be a need to deny that racism exists. ... An
area of growing concern to me is the very common practice of blaming Native
peoples for their socioeconomic conditions. Blaming “forgets” that racism has
also been institutionalized in government policies of assimilation,
paternalism, and the historical and continuing confiscation of Native lands and
resources. These policies have had a devastating impact on Native peoples but
the fallout has been explained away as stemming from “cultural differences.” In
turn “cultural differences” are reduced to stereotypes such as “Indians can’t
or won’t adjust” to city life. In other words, Indian “culture”, rather than
colonization or racism, is blamed for whatever has happened to Native peoples.
(Laroque, 1989, p.74)
With the rise of Quebec nationalism in the 1960’s, the
federal government’s response was to “increase and centralize its power. This
entailed supplanting supposedly British institutions within Canada with
indigenous Canadian equivalents” (Legare, 1995, p.348). Concurrent to this were
the demands by other groups to have their contributions to the development of
Canada recognized.
(Other) sections of the country began to imitate Quebec nationalists
and articulate their own claims based on ethnic background and regional
interests. They contended that, as immigrants from other (i.e., non-British and
also non-French) nations, they too had contributed to the developing nation.
They argued that their contributions were being ignored in the two founding
nations debate, and they demanded equal recognition with French and English
Canadians. (Legare, 1995, p.349)
Following the recommendations of the Royal Commission on
Bilingualism and Biculturialism, the government of Canada officially recognized
the multicultural nature of Canada within a bilingual framework (Legare, 1995).
This strategy was an attempt to reconcile the division in Canada between
French, Aboriginal, and immigrant assertions of rights; and, to define a
Canadian identity in the face of an invasion of US culture.
(It) is no coincidence that ethnicity and multiculturalism
were officially discovered at a time when Canada faced internal and external
threats to its nationhood. From the start, it was ‘intended to ground Canadian
nationhood in an identity that could be differentiated from threatening Others
both within and without.’ Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau believed that
multiculturalism could serve as ‘the glue of nationalism’, a glue that could
bind a uniquely defined nation, governed by a strong federal government. As a
solution to internal divisions, official recognition of multiculturalism within
a bilingual framework could counterbalance the contesting regional loyalties
that endangered the unity of the nation. At the same time, by accepting all
ethnically defined claims as equally valid, it could effectively neutralize
nationalist claims to special status or rights, re-establishing and
strengthening national unity. (Legare, 1995, p. 350)
Multiculturalism (MC) views Canadians as having British
values, customs, etc. while still allowing for immigrants to celebrate their
past cultures in a formalized way. These celebrations take place on special
occasions and showcase historic traits such as food, clothing, music, material
objects and language (Legare, 1995). However, this display is very much like
the cultures found in museums or on a bookcase. They are taken out on special
occasions but afterwards they are put back and everyone returns to normal or
British customs. The overall effect of MC is to neutralize nationalist claims
of special groups by making everyone the same or equal in present-day, British
Canada or French Quebec. Those groups that do not accept this have to make a
claim of distinctiveness or special status. However, this is impossible because
under MC everyone is distinct and equal.
Although MC sounds very egalitarian and defines Canadian
culture by its tolerance for the other cultures that make it up, it is still
racist. MC reaffirms Aboriginal and immigrant groups as the other of
traditional colonial discourses. By refusing to accept folklorization of their
cultures and demanding to express their own cultural identities, these groups
are excluded from citizenship in the eyes of many Canadians. They are
“redefined as “special” (the problematic Canadian) or even unfair to those
citizens who “chose” to give up their old ethnic selves and embrace loyalty to
the Canadian nation” (Legare, 1995, p.359). Whiteness is the norm to which they are expected to
conform as expressed by a quote from the Winnipeg Free Press: “By what right do
Aboriginal people (and immigrants) receive services and demand rights when they
are unwilling to contribute to (i.e., be of) the nation?” (Legare, 1995,
p.359).
MC only recognizes diversity superficially. The underlying
assumption to most Euro-Canadians is that Canada is still white . Stereotypes
play an important role in perpetuating this view. The construction of the
other through stereotypes has helped to
maintain whiteness , white privilege and
its invisibility . The construction of static, primitive and dark images are
used to elevate the status of whites and define them as NOT the other. The
goodness and dynamic nature of whiteness
is inferred but not overtly stated; and, the privilege that accompanies
whiteness is assumed the normal
consequence of not being the other .
However, stereotypes are not always bad and often serve a
useful purpose in society. It is how they are constructed and who is
constructing them that needs to be examined. The remainder of this paper
analyses stereotypes. The focus is on stereotypes that appear in Canadian media
such as television (TV), cinema, news and advertising.
The Effects of Media
The effects of media on the socialization of our youth is
more profound today than at any other period in history. Traditionally, stories
and beliefs were passed on through the family, religion, tribe, community or
school. Today, by the end of high school, the average student will have spent
15 000 hours watching TV and only 11 000 hours in the classroom (Davison,
1997). Media is becoming less of a form of leisure and more an agent for the
communication of values in the lives of our young people.
Media creates roles for people that are often accepted in
society (Davison, 1997). Davison cited an example where agents of consumerism
created the role for women to shave their body hair. It took only two years,
through an advertising campaign in the early twentieth century by the Wilkinson
Sword Razor Company to accomplish this. It did it by bombarding the public with
images of how a women should look. The question that needs to be asked is: What
kind of values are being passed to young people through media? The creation of
these roles has the potential to reaffirm racism through existing stereotypes
or to create new roles for the traditional others. One needs to examine
stereotypes closely to determine if they are negative (reinforcing racism) or
positive (creating new roles).
Stereotypes
Stereotypes tend to be constructed iconographically - a few
verbal and visual traits are used to represent the character or group and they
tend to be static and unchanging (Dyer, 1993). There are a number of approaches
to studying racism in stereotypes. One approach is to focus on racist roles
assigned to a group through negative stereotypes. Hooks (1996) referred to
examples of traditional stereotyping of African-American women as either
mammies or whores .
Dyer (1993) also followed this approach. He critiqued
stereotypes by looking at the function they perform in society and used the
traditional definition as first coined by Walter Lippman - “stereotypes are (i)
an ordering process, (ii) a ‘short-cut’, (iii) referring to ‘the world’, and
(iv) expressing ‘our’ values and beliefs” (p.11). Dyer expanded this definition
as follows:
An Ordering Process of the mass of chaotic data that we
receive. People use stereotypes to make sense of society through
generalizations, patternings and typifications (p.12). Dyer saw two problems in
this. First, this assumed that there is an absolute or definable truth to the
world. In this case, stereotypes do not allow for a dynamic world and relegate
a static quality to those stereotyped. Second, being a social construction, there
is a power relationship implied - those with the power get to define the
stereotype and impose their definition of reality. Examining Canadian media
tends to highlight these concerns. As quantified in The White Screen (1997),
visible minorities are under-represented in mass media in Canada. Thus, the
construction of most stereotypes are from a white perspective. Assuming that
racist stereotypes uphold the concept ofwhiteness and white privilege , one would expect whites
depicted as NOT being like the traditional stereotypes of non-whites.
An example of this is in the movie Kids. Although this
portrays minorities in the US, it has just as much impact on the formation of
Canadian views (Davison, 1997). Kidsis treated as a documentary-ethnographic
film, exploring white kids in gangs. However, as Hooks (1996) pointed out, the
movie is consistent with the traditional othering of African-Americans. Throughout the violent
scenes, black (rap) music is playing in the background. Non-white skinned
females are depicted as sexually loose and wild while the white females are
depicted as innocent. Rival (black) gang members are seen as a threat. The
entire premise of the movie is based on “making a big deal about two white gang
members” (p.62) while black gang members are portrayed as commonplace. It is as
if the corruption of two white teenagers is a major tragedy while the
corruption of black teenagers is seen as commonplace. Hooks noted that the
agenda of the film is consistent with the desire of the right to regulate
racial mixing and divert focus from the real issues like class exploitation,
exclusion and racial subordination.
A Short Cut or easy way of representing a great deal of
complex information and a host of connotations. In other words, a dumb blonde
refers to more than just hair colour and intelligence. It also refers to sex,
her status in society, her relationship to men, and her inability to behave and
think rationally. The problem here is that stereotypes can oversimplify or
falsely state the complexity of people.
Hooks referred to examples of traditional black families on
TV shows like The Jeffersons and Sanford and Son as portraying and reinforcing
a host of commonly-held connotations. The families are obsessed with upward
mobility, material trappings of success, and lack creativity and imagination.
Again, the underlying assumption is thatwhiteness is the norm and the only way to achieve
success is by gravitating towards it. However, being that they are black, it is
not quite possible. The humour in these shows is derived from the futile
attempts of the characters to imitate white people.
Referring To ‘The World’ - The traditional definition
assumes that stereotypes in media are a representation of someone in the world.
Dyer noted that one should critique which world they represent - the social,
individual, or some combination of the two. Dyer further stated that in
Canadian culture and more so in the US, there is a tendency to concentrate on
the individual. As a consequence, stereotypes are often used to represent
failings of individuals, ignoring social influences on the problem. For
example, media fiction often deals with social issues such as alcoholism. In
doing so, the writer must take a perspective. Alcoholism can be examined from a
social perspective (social influences on alcoholism), from an individual
perspective (individual traits contributing to alcoholism), or from a
combination of the two perspectives.
In dealing with social issues like alcoholism, Dyer
identified two common forms of characterization in the media - the stereotype
and the novelist. The stereotype is constructed through the use of a few,
immediately recognizable and defining traits. These characters do not develop
or grow. On the other hand, the novelist character grows throughout the fiction
as more complexity is revealed. With this type of character, recovery from
alcoholism is possible based on individual or psychological traits. Dyer stated
that generally the overall effect of the writer’s perspective (individual) and
form of characterization (novelist) tends to leave the audience seeing success
as individual and leaving the stereotype of the alcoholic intact. In other
words, the burden of alcoholism generally lies with the individual and
stereotypes reinforce this view.
Examples of the emphasis on the individual and denial of
social factors can be found in media. In her critique of Hoop Dreams, Hooks
asserted that that film was a success at the box office with “white folks”
(Hooks, 1996, p.78). The movie does not challenge any of the structural
inequities in society but reinforces individualism and the American Dream -
that the bottom of society can rise-up and succeed. It successfully shifts
social criticism from the social realm and places success dependent on the
individual. The black youth who was unsuccessful in making it in professional
sports, failed because of personal failings. The effect on the audience is to
confirm existing stereotypes of black youth - that when given a chance, most
blacks would rather be hanging around with the gang, etc. A social commentary
interrogating why professional sports is one of the few places that blacks can
succeed in life is completely ignored. Instead, the message is that blacks need
to conform or else stay within their racial group where they will not
experience failure.
“Expressing Our Values” - Stereotypes are an effective way
to invoke consensus about the way we think about a social group and imply that
all members of society arrived at the same definition collectively. It also
assumes that stereotypes express an agreement about a social group and arose
before and independent of the stereotype. Dyer (1996) questioned who the “our”
is in the traditional definition and suggested that it is usually from the
stereotype that we get our ideas about a social group. Since stereotypes only
represent a particular definition of reality, it is important to look at who
proposes the stereotype and who has the power to enforce it. It can be
difficult to determine who proposes stereotypes that have been around for a
long time. However, the TV production Out of Sync: Racial Bias and the Media
(1995) identified the construction of the stereotype of the militant
Indian during the 1990’s beginning with
the Oka conflict. The program suggested that this stereotype is a creation of
the media to sensationalize Native issues and attract audiences, playing on the
fears of the whites of an Indian uprising .
Dyer concluded by suggesting how to identify negative
stereotypes for analysis and distinguished between social types and
stereotypes. Social types tend to represent those that belong to society such
as working class Americans . Stereotypes tend to represent those that do not
belong or are outside society such as stereotypes of non-Americans . The social
type tends to be more open and flexible. These characters can have a wide range
of roles in the plot from hero, to villain, to helper. The stereotype generally
has only an implicit and unchanging narration such as in the role of women in
fiction. For example, women characters may appear diverse but they are all part
of an implicit narrative. This narrative has a beginning and a middle (birth,
childhood, marriage, family life) but very little end (old age, dying). Other
examples include black males as ‘lying, cheating dogs when involved with black
women’ and professional black women as ‘wild, irrational, castrating, bitch
goddesses’ (Hooks, 1996, p.57).
Another approach is to look at stereotyping by omission.
This approach considers how often a group appears in a non-traditional or
typically white role. An online article on the Media Awareness Network, The
White Screen (1997) indicated that visible minorities and Aboriginal peoples
are still proportionally under-represented in the mass media in Canada, both
on-air and off, despite such shows as North of 60, The Rez, and The Cosby Show.
According to The White Screen, people from racial and ethnic backgrounds
account for 16 percent of the people on the screen but seldom as the main
characters. However, white males account for over 50 percent of the main
characters. In advertising, only 20 percent of the ads feature people of
colour. In news, 2.6 percent of the newsroom staff where non-white, five times
less than the percentage of minorities in Canadian population. The portrayal of
people of colour in news stories is equally weak. Although there are no overt,
negative stereotypes, the absence or omission of these groups in
non-traditional roles acts to reaffirm traditionally held views.
Bell Hooks (1996) took this approach in her book, Reel to
Real - Race, Sex and Class at the Movies, where she looked at stereotypical
images in the cinema and examined what is omitted. She stated that people learn
about race (and sex, class, etc.) from the movies and that they give people the
opportunity to experience the other
without engaging them. In other words, static, traditional stereotypes
are presented, but more complex realities are not explored. Many filmmakers do
not want to challenge traditional stereotypes because it will interfere with
the ‘pure’ vision or entertainment value of the movie. These artists escape
criticism by claiming that they are only documenting life as it is; thereby,
reinforcing stereotypes and not challenging their social construction.
In reality, challenging traditional stereotypes does not
sell at the box office. Hooks referred
to the movie The Pelican Brief as an example. The producers went to great
lengths to prevent the audience from perceiving any potential romance between
Julia Roberts (white) and Denzel Washington (black) in the advertising for the
movie to appeal to white audiences. Furthermore, the audience gets the
impression quickly that the white lady would never have any romantic interest
in the black man. This conforms to standard, racist script but does not
challenge the idea that romance between races could be as normal as same-race
romance.
Hooks noted that stereotyping by omission occurs frequently
and cited several examples. For example, the plot of the movie Waiting to
Exhale centers around black, professional women and romance. They are not
concerned with partnership and marriage in their lives; instead, their
characters are concerned with “the obsession of getting a man, status, material
success and petty competition with other women” (p.54). One could argue that
this is not negative stereotyping as they show images of successful black
women. However, what this movie fails to show is black women who are concerned
with partnership and marriage and by omitting these roles, the movie reinforces
the traditional stereotype of black, professional women as “greedy bitches”
(p.55).
Hooks cited examples of omission in advertising, too. Most
couples that appear in advertising are white but rarely are black or minority
couples shown. This reinforces traditional stereotypes of unhappy and
dysfunctional black families as positive images of black families are omitted
from the public.
News reporting is often guilty of omitting positive roles
and focusing on negative ones. Under the guise of merely reporting the facts,
news tends to create negative images of groups. For example, crimes of Native
Canadians are reported along with those of white Canadians. However, the news
agencies tend to ignore Natives otherwise - unless some other sensational issue
like self-government or militant confrontation comes up. There are very few
stories of Natives living crime-free, everyday lives in the city. The omission
of these positive roles leaves traditional images of Natives intact.
The recent case in Saskatoon of Billy Taylor is another
example. Taylor was previously convicted of sexual assault and banished to an
island as part of an Aboriginal sentencing circle. Although it is important for
the public to be aware of convictions for deterrence, etc., the current charge
for Taylor is for assault. It has nothing to do with his previous conviction
other than he has re-offended. Following this logic, experimental or
non-traditional sentences of white, re-offenders should also be given such
coverage. However, they are not. By omitting these other cases, the stereotype
that Natives do not want to follow Canadian law is perpetuated (i.e., they need
their own sentencing system). Omission of white cases also reinforces whiteness
. By not giving equal examples of recidivism of whites on special programs,
Canadians infer that traditional law is best and the only one that works.
Conclusion
Racism continues to exist in Canada despite Canada’s
official policy of multiculturalism and tolerance. Minorities are still
ascribed negative traits as the other
and used to infer goodness and
normalness on whites without actually defining them as such. Media has played
an active role in perpetuating this racism through negative stereotypes.
Although public policy and multiculturalism have reduced overt, negative
stereotyping, racism is still perpetuated by omission or by what is not being
said. The lack of positive roles for minorities reaffirms traditional
stereotypes. As advertising, cinema, news and TV play a bigger role in the
socialization of youth, the images of minorities that they see as children will
be the images that they reproduce as adults. It is time that this circle is
broken. Media must bare its share of this responsibility; but, so must the
individual. Individuals have the option of turning media off and talking to
others about what is going on.
The issue of racism in media will not resolve itself until
it is realized that white values are not
necessarily right values. Canada is no longer just a country of whites . There
are other cultures and other ways of looking at the world. Canadians have to
accept this fact and should encourage the incorporation of new ideas into their
lives.
References
Davison, P. (1997). Media Literacy Strategies for Gender
Equity. At http://www.cfn.cs.dal.ca/CommunitySupport/AMLNS/violence.html,
pp.1-4.
Dyer, R. (1993). The Matter of Images - Essays on
Representations. London, England: Routledge.
Fine, M. (1997). Witnessing Whiteness. In Off White:
Readings on Race, Power, and Society , pp.57-65. New York: Routledge.
Frankenburg, R. (1996). “When We Are Capable of Stopping, We
Begin to See”: Being White, Seeing Whiteness. In Places We Call Home , pp.
3-18. New York: Routledge.
Hooks, B. (1996). Reel to Real - Race, Sex and Class at the
Movies. London, England: Routledge.
Larocque, E. (1989). Racism Runs Through Canadian Society.
In O. McKague (Ed.), Racism in Canada., pp. 73-76. Saskatoon: Fifth House
Publishers.
Legare, E. (1995). Canadian Multiculturalism and Aboriginal
People: Negotiating a Place in the Nation. Identities 1 (4), pp. 347-366.
Media Awareness Network (1997). The White Screen. At
http://www.screen.com/mnet/eng/issues/minrep/issues/Invisble.htm, pp. 1-2.
Norquay, N. (1993). The Other Side of Difference:
Memory-work in the Mainstream. Qualitative Studies in Education , 6 (3) pp.
241-251.
Powell, L. C. (1997). The Achievement (K)not: Whiteness and
“Black Underachievement”. In Off White: Readings on Race, Power, and Society ,
pp. 3-12. New York: Routledge.
Roediger, D. (1991). On Autobiography and Theory: An
Introduction. In Wages of Whiteness, pp. 3-17. London: Verso.
Roediger, D. (1991). Irish-American Workers and White Racial
Formation in the Antebellum United States. In Wages of Whiteness , pp. 133-166.
London: Verso.
Roman, L. G. (1993). White is Color! White Defensiveness,
Postmodernism and Anti-racist Pedagogy. In C. McCarthy & W. Crichlow
(Eds.), Race Identity and Representation in Education , pp. 71-88. New York:
Routledge.
Rosaldo, R. (1989). The Erosion of Classic Norms, In Culture
and Truth: The Remaking of Social Analysis , pp. 25-45. Boston: Beacon Press.
Rosaldo, R. (1989). Imperialist Nostalgia. In Culture and
Truth: The Remaking of Social Analysis, pp. 68-87. Boston: Beacon Press.
Said, E. (1978). Introduction. In Orientalism , pp. 1-28. New
York: Vintage Books.
Said, E. (1978). Afterword. In Orientalism , pp. 329-352.
New York: Vintage Books.
Shadd, A. (1989). Institutionalized Racism and Canadian
History: Notes of a Black Canadian. In O. McKague (Ed.), Racism in Canada., pp.
1-5. Saskatoon: Fifth House Publishers.
Sleeter, C. E. (1993). How White Teachers Construct Race. In
C. McCarthy & W. Crichlow (Eds.), Race Identity and Representation in
Education , pp. 71-88. New York: Routledge.
TV Ontario (1995). Out of Sync: Racial Bias and the Media.
Toronto: Producer.
Weis, L., Proweller, A. & Centrie, C. (1997).
Re-examining “A Moment in History”: Loss of Privilege Inside White
Working-class Masculinity in the 1990s. In M. Fine, L. Weis, L.C. Powell &
L.M. Wong (Eds.), Off White: Readings on Race, Power, Society , pp.210-228. New
York: Routledge.
Source: etad.usask.ca
No comments:
Post a Comment